the former mr. willie jones meets nkrumah


Submissions: scripts at

//info at
//cashapp $lvfrmplnt3

... Cultivare, cultiva terra, arable land, colere, colō; worship, protect, cultivate. As a regular gift to our $2400+/biennium members, Live From Planet Earth extends a special unlimited invitation to our family's homestead/farm/estate in Jamaica. Sign-up by clicking your membership contribution amount below. Live From Planet Earth is a hands-on, cooperative meditation — on self-sustaining, tropical, organic human being and development — rooting and producing through your generous, reparative, faithful contributions. Please support by helping us fill this measure little by little, slowly but surely: Biennial ($2400); Monthly ($5), ($10), ($25), ($30), ($40), ($60), ($70), ($80), ($90), ($130), ($200), ($300), ($500), ($1000).

The Former Mr. Willie Jones Meets Nkrumah: The Nation of Islam and Pan-Africanism

"You have to make yourself now a citizen of Africa, your native country. You can’t go back there calling yourself, “Mr. Willie Jones.” You can’t go to Africa today and get good friendship with them. They are afraid of you.” – Elijah Muhammad, 19741

"In order to enslave the African it was necessary for our enslavers to completely sever our communications with the African continent and the Africans that remained there. In order to free ourselves from the oppression of our enslavers then, it is absolutely necessary for the Afro-American to restore communications with Africa." – Restoration, the OAAU2

The Nation of Islam has been central to pan-African thought, affecting both continental African-Americans, Afro-Caribbean’s, Afro-Mexicans, Afro-Britains, and Africans of all hues within the mother continent. All incarnations of the Nation of Islam have had a Pan-African program: the Nation of Islam under Minister Farrakhan, former members under Imam Mohammed, smaller communities under Silas Muhammad, and disparate communities under the leadership of imams who broke away with Malcolm X (El Hajj Malik Shabazz). The leaders of the Nation of Islam have traveled globally and their reports to the Black community at large have served to keep prominent African leaders, such as former Ghanaian president Jerry Rawlings, Libyan leader Moammar Ghaddafi, intellectual Ali A. Mazrui, as well as African leaders who were removed by the US. government such as Kwame Nkrumah, in the consciousness of large numbers of African-Americans. The Nation of Islam, through the ever transforming Savior’s Days, has also allowed state-harassed Black leaders to reach out to their communities. Kwame Ture (Stokley Carmichael) and Prince Asiel Ben Israel often spoke at the annual Saviour’s Day (Saviours’ Day) conventions. This paper will examine relations between former President Kwame Nkrumah and African Americans and the way in which the Nation of Islam filtered both perspectives during and after the African independence movement.

The Nation of Islam was founded in 1930. Its founder was a foreigner born in Mecca at the end of the nineteenth century. However, the major figure and leader of the Nation of Islam for forty-one years, and many of the early followers, had been members of the United Negro Improvement Association. Others had been members of the Moorish Science Temple. Both of these earlier organizations stated that Blacks of the Americas were from Africa and descended from civilized peoples. Both had education wings and both argued for the unity of Black peoples.

Elliott P. Skinner states that in the nineteenth century many African-Americans fought the American Colonization Society’s efforts to repatriate freed people to Africa because they had been indoctrinated in the anti-African scholarship which upheld the systems of slavery a colonialism. Europeans had exercised the literal power of life and death over Afro-Americans for centuries. Thomas Jefferson, after declaring that “all men are created equal,” made it clear in Notes on Virginia that Africans were not “men” and therefore could not be freed.

“the blacks are inferior to the whites in the endowments both of body and mind… This unfortunate difference of color, and perhaps of faculty, is a powerful obstacle to the emancipation of these people.”3

The propaganda of Jefferson, Hegel, and other would-be white supremacists was constantly countered by determined literate African-Americans. Delany counseled returning to East Africa. Edward Wilmot Blyden counseled return to Africa and led the way. Henry Highland Garnett laid out a definitive statement on the civilized African and the importance of the continent to world history.

"By an almost common consent, the modern world seems determined to pilfer Africa of her glory. It was not enough that her children have been scattered over the globe, clothed in the garments of shame-humiliated and oppressed-but her merciless foes weary themselves in plundering the tombs of our renowned sites, and in obliterating their worthy deeds, which were inscribed by fame upon the pages of ancient history."4

Missionaries such as Blyden got to see the horrors of colonialism first hand. They were tainted by the prejudice that their sisters and brothers on the continent had been deprived of the ‘civilizing’ effects of enslavement in a European society. However, they were well equipped to recognize the imposition of the dialectic of white supremacy/black inferiority upon fellow Black people. From Liberia to South Africa, Black missionaries were pulled into the anti-colonial struggle. Bishop Coppin was outraged by the degraded position of Africans in South Africa.

"When we are told that an African in Africa is denied civil privileges because he is an African, we feel that besides being unrighteous and unworthy of our Christian civilization, it is ridiculous in the extreme."5

Edward Wilmot Blyden (1832-1912), progressed from asking the American Colonization Society to support his efforts to becoming so integrated into the culture of West Africa that he all but abandoned the European Christian doctrine for the African Islamic one.

DuBois took up the “protection” of Africans from white supremacist doctrines and convened a Pan-African conference in 1900. Africans from the Atlantic and the continent convened again in 1919 and in 1921. Unfortunately, they consistently met on the territories of the colonial powers, London and Paris.

The Nation of Islam was able to draw upon the folk memory and mythology of Africa that sustained much Nationalist thought. For example, this writer’s great grandmother, though from Mississippi was categorical in her belief that Blacks in the United States came from Africa. Though grandmother’s own grandfather had been a “full-blooded African” and had returned to the continent as a missionary, her knowledge of the continent was based upon the Bible and the conviction that it was a place of civilization and redemption.

Tony Martin says that Africa has been a central idea in African American thought. The hold that “the benighted continent” exercised upon the hopes and dreams of former slaves and their children inspired the doctrines of separation and return. The best examples at the beginning of the twentieth century were the UNIA, Nation of Islam, and sixty-five thousand strong Liberian exodus association of South Carolina. The UNIA was a foundational organization with the strongest pull on the imaginations and politics of Blacks in the Western Hemisphere and on the continent of Africa. At its height there were 1,100 UNIA branches in over forty countries. A UNIA delegation was sent to the 1922 League of Nations. Its unashamedly Pan-Black-African doctrines influenced the thought of Jomo Kenyatta, Ernest Ikoli (Nigeria), Kwame Nkrumah, and Elijah Muhammad. Muhammad redirected UNIA activity into the nascent Nation of Islam.6

The Honorable Elijah Muhammad was most likely aware of nineteenth century Pan-African writings or preaching. He had been a secretary in the UNIA and therefore had access to the study groups. The Los Angeles Herald Dispatch was edited by a female UNIA member, Pat Patterson, and carried Muhammad’s editorial column.7 In Our Saviour Has Arrived he critiqued the early back-to-Africa movement as unnecessary.8 Many of his lectures referred to the continent in broad terms. In a Table Talk, he made clear that all Black peoples who had suffered under slavery were part of the ‘elect’ who were being civilized to return to their peoples in Africa and Asia.

"West Indians are still our people only they were ruled under other than the American whiteman. They were ruled under the British but they are too drifters out of Africa."9

Islam had been introduced to small numbers of the African American community through the writings of Blyden, through the Moorish Science Temple, the Ahmadiyya Movement, and early Hollywood movies, such as The Sheikh (1921), that depicted North Africans. When hundreds of thousands of Black migrated from the South to the northern industrial centers, they provided new sources of transmission of information about Islam, Africa or any subject that could be popularized; isolated southern and western populations could now get some inkling of the continent in the east.

Kwame Nkrumah (1909-1972) came to America to study. He attended Lincoln university in 1935. Garvey had been deported in 1927. By the time Nkrumah reached the Western Hemisphere, the man who would inspire the Ghanaian “Black Star” shipping line was in London inspiring West Indian and South Asian temporary workers to fight for their rights.10 While he was at Lincoln, Nkrumah read the Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey.11 His time in America allowed him to make intimate contacts with African-American intellectuals, of whom W.E.B. DuBois was probably the most famous and perhaps the most significance. When the great DuBois, whose African ancestry was nearly subsumed by Europe, and who had fought the return to Africa under Garvey bitterly, accepted the offer to relocate to black Africa, Nkrumah scored his greatest victory – the cure of double consciousness.12

Though the Honorable Marcus Garvey had been discredited in the minds of many African-Americans, the Nation of Islam’s rise, and the oratory of Malcolm X (EL Hajj Malik Shabazz), became the main vehicle for transmitting news and analysis of events on the continent to the average African American. Most importantly, the Nation’s doctrine that the Original people were Black, that the God Tribe had settled in Africa and that features such as kinky hair, and muscular build were self-imposed in order to ensure eternal survival, continued the uncompromising tradition of “Race First” and Black strength that had been the doctrine of the UNIA.13 That uncompromising stance would become the backbone of the Nationalist Movement as outspoken proponents of Black Power such as Kwame Ture relied upon the Nation of Islam to attack the majority white population and its DuBois-type supporters if they attacked him. As African-American Nationalism and Black Power evolved into informed political Pan-Africanism, a range of Africaphiles began to meet. Some were old enemies, and ironically DuBois who had attacked Garvey relentlessly, even stooping to the level of pigment politics, died in Ghana. During the 1970 Congress of African People, Urban League executives, Democrats, Caribbean Nationals and Members of the Nation of Islam got together to discuss Africa and its importance to the entire Black world.

"Whitney Young, executive director of the National Urban League, to
Democratic party politicians such as Rev. Ralph Abernathy and
Rev. Jesse Jackson; representatives of the Diaspora such as
Roosevelt Douglas of Dominica… and Minister Louis Farrakhan of
the Nation of Islam"14

It would not be surprising that Garvey and Nkrumah would inspire Muhammad, and that through him later leaders of the Nation would be inspired to focus upon Africa. The three men had fundamental commonalities. All three had come form relatively obscure backgrounds. All three were imprisoned; Garvey in 1925, Muhammad in 1942, and Nkrumah in 1950-51. All three ran propaganda programs that associated their leadership with Messianic redemption.
In the UNIA weekly Negro World, Garvey was described as founder of a new religion:
"I do not know whether or not Marcus Garvey is aware of the fact that he has given the word a new religion; nevertheless, he has… To me true Garveyism is a religion which is sane, practical inspiring and satisfying.”15

Nkrumah used his state paper Evening News to describe himself:
"Some call him the Second Christ… as foretold in the bible. Others call him Son of God the Messiah, the Organizer, the Redeemer of Men…, yet Kwame Nkrumah puts t simply to every follower: “I am one of you; I belong to you and Africa.”"16

Muhammad’s Muhammad Speaks and books described him as:
"The Messenger of Allah" – Fall of America

All three fought with the wealthier Black elements. The NAACP and A. Phillip Randolph took part in the “Garvey Must Go” initiative; Thurgood Marshall accused Elijah Muhammad of being supported by ‘thugs,’ financed by ‘some Arab group,’ and Martin Luther King saw Elijah Muhammad as expressing ‘bitterness and hatred.’17 Nkrumah had to dismiss conservative members of the United Gold Coast Convention.18 Most importantly, all three were devoted to the end of colonialism; that was point 13 of the UNIA Declaration of Rights, a point in Elijah Muhammad’s 1969 Saviour’s Day lecture, and chapter 43 of the Fall of America. There were important differences, especially in regard to women. Nkrumah’s Convention People’s Party (CPP) relied upon a vocal female element, whereas the UNIA Black Cross Nurses were mostly morale builders and the Nation of Islam’s MGT-GCC were mostly concerned with domestic affairs.19

Kwame Nkrumah argued that imperialism and colonialism were motivated by the economic greed of Europe, America and Japan. The 20th century had been a century of war. In 1965 when Neo-colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism was written, Western Europe and America had gone through two wars of annihilation, fought in Korea and were involved in Vietnam. Nkrumah stated that military needs, especially nuclear development, were responsible for the demand for mineral resources. The steel industry which was providing jobs for African-American Migrants in the second great migratory wave, was being built on ore extracted at nearly no cost from Africa. Astute African Americans were made aware of how intricate they were to the resubjugation of Africa because the finished product that they were manufacturing were then sold back to Africans at exorbitant costs. This forced the African leadership into debt bondage, since they did not set the prices for the exports, nor did they exercise leverage for the prices they were willing to pay for finished goods.

"profits are forced out of Africa in the form of the inflated cost of finished goods, equipment and services she is forced to buy from the monopoly sources that extract the prime materials. This is the big squeeze in which Africa is caught, one that grew tighter from the eve of the First World War."20

Nkrumah lambasted industrial advertisements that encouraged exploration of the ‘jungles’ of Africa. European concerns and American media invested large amounts of time in warning the world away from the savages of the African jungles. However, they celebrated pioneering companies which went into Africa, followed the patterns laid down in colonial times, and acquired raw materials. The mechanization of ‘the jungle’ was celebrated because it allowed ease of transport of materials away from the continent.

"In lush verbiage, the… advertisement describes how "deep in the tropical jungle of Central Africa lies one of the world's richest deposits of manganese ore". The site, which is "being developed by the French concern, Compagnie Miniere de I'Ogooue, is located on the upper reach of the Ogooue River in Gabon. After the ore is mined, it will first be carried 50 miles by cableway. Then it will be transferred to ore can and hauled300 miles by diesel-electric locomotives to the port of Pointe Noire for shipment to the world's steel mills.""21

Nkrumah made unity the central point of his program. After leading the country to independence and assuming power in 1957. His marriage to Fathia Nkrumah in 1958 was designed to unify Nasser’s Afro-Arab state with Black Africa.22 His government hosted the Conference of Independent States and the All-African Peoples Conference (1958). He made several attempts to unify Ghana with other African nations: Guinea (1958), Guinea and Mali (1960). In 1961, he played a lead role in ending the brutal colonial regime in Congo.23 He advocated return, and offered Ghana as the home of all African Americans.

The independence of Ghana meant that it had recognized representation at the U.N.. John Hope Franklin says that the new state from whence many African-Americans likely descended, took an active interest in U.S. affairs. It may have influenced passage of the 1957 Civil Rights Bill.

"As Congress began to debate the proposed civil rights bill in the summer of 1957, the diplomatic representatives from Ghana had taken up residence at the United Nations and in Washington. This important fact could not be ignored by responsible members of Congress. It seemed that black men from the Old World had arrived just in time to help redress the racial balance in the New."24

However, some influential Civil Rights leaders with deep ties to liberal whites saw African differently. No less a figure that Dr. King admitted that the new African states were inspiring assertiveness among young African-Americans. He agreed that neocolonialism was a rising problem. Yet he warned that the former colonial powers, and white Americans, were unbeatable and told whites that emerging Pan-Africanists such as H. Rap Brown and Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture) were dangerous elements who went against U.S./Israeli colonial interests.25

"There is no colored nation, including China, that now shows even the potential of leading a violent revolution of color in any international proportions. Ghana, Zambia, Tanganyika and Nigeria are so busy fighting their own battles against poverty, illiteracy and the subversive influence of neocolonialism that they offer little hope to Angola, Southern Rhodesia and South Africa, much less to the American Negro."26

Elijah Muhammad, on the other hand, saw Africa as rising. His call for emigration increased after Ghana’s independence.27 In December 1957, he corresponded with Egypt’s Gamal Nasser, offering solidarity during the African-Asian conference.28 He traveled to Africa in 1959.29 While he put those with cultural nationalist ideas out of the temples for wearing ‘savage’ dress, he advocated working with ‘civilized’ Muslim and Christian Africans. He had a great deal of pull within the lower middle and working class Black community and his messages were always targeted towards the long-held strains of Nationalist thought. At the Nation of Islam’s height in 1974, Muhammad’s messages were broadcast on one-hundred-and-fourteen stations.30 With that sort of community influence, and proven fearlessness, many of the cultural Nationalists who would never have been accepted into the FOI or MGT-GCC still treated the NOI with great respect. Sometimes organizations such as CORE, under the leadership of James Farmer, were given positive press for their political views. Theodore Vincent writes that Stokely Carmichael often sought Muhammad’s approval fro his actions.31

"Take for example Carmichael. He stands pat. They say that will do such and such but yet they don't and he still is free. He is not even yet a spiritual believer, but he believes in the Black man. Allah has taken the fear out of him. They are more afraid of the black revolution than anything else."32

Disunity, or ‘balkanization’ was an idea that the Nation of Islam early seized upon and fought to counter. Nkrumah said that disunity was the major tool of neo-colonialists. The only way to counter it was through the unity of all African states. He called for and All-African Union Government. The echo of Garvey’s Africa for the Africans cold clearly be heard, and even members of the Black community who had never set foot on African soil could support the idea. It is likely that the struggle against “monopoly-capitalism” was the reason that the Nation of Islam moved from the relatively capitalist outlook of Elijah Muhammad to a distinctly anti-capitalist perspective under Louis Farrakhan.33 The formation of the Organization of African Unity in Addis Ababa 1963 brought a shadow of Nkrumah’s vision to the continent. It was weakened by the policies of pro-European blocs, such as the Monrovia Group, Brazzaville Group and the pro-French states led by the Ivory Coast. Further the East Africans had their own union, which Nkrumah opposed.34 However, even a tenuous attempt at African unity heartened African Americans who wanted to see a strong Black state. It certainly inspired Malik Shabazz’s formation of the Organization of Afro American Unity. He had traveled to Africa twice after breaking with the NOI in 1964.35

"Upon this establishment, the Afro-American people will launch a cultural revolution which will provide the means for restoring our identity that we might rejoin our brothers and sisters on the African continent, culturally, psychologically, economically, and share with them the sweet fruits of freedom from oppression and independence of racist governments.

1. The Organization of Afro-American Unity welcomes all persons of African origin to come together and dedicate their ideas, skills, and lives to free our people from oppression.

2. Branches of the Organization of Afro-American Unity may be established by people of African descent wherever they may be and whatever their ideology -- as long as they be descendants of Africa and dedicated to our one goal: freedom from oppression.

3. The basic program of the Organization of Afro-American Unity which is now being presented can and will be modified by the membership, taking into consideration national, regional, and local conditions that require flexible treatment.

4. The Organization of Afro-American Unity encourages active participation of each member since we feel that each and every Afro-American has something to contribute to our freedom. Thus each member will be encouraged to participate in the committee of his or her choice.

5. Understanding the differences that have been created amongst us by our oppressors in order to keep us divided, the Organization of Afro-American Unity strives to ignore or submerge these artificial divisions by focusing our activities and our loyalties upon our one goal: freedom from oppression."36

Nkrumah was overthrown by the CIA in 1966 while in China.37 However, his principles inspired Pan-Africanists in the United States. Ron Karenga credited Nkrumah with inspiring his philosophical creativity. He learned of the works of Garvey through Nkrumah and the need for complete renewal of the African self. Ron Karenga (Maulana Karenga), who conceived the Kwanzaa celebration, began with the concept of Kwaida.

"There is in Kwaida clear evidence of Nkrumah’s stress on “nationalism, pan-Africanism and socialism” as essential and interrelated pillars and projects for liberation; belief and rootedness in the masses of people; groundedness in the “elevated values” of traditional African culture; the power and possibilities of relentless organizing and organization; the collective responsibility of each one to teach one; and the commitment and call of “forward ever, backward never.”"38

After Elijah Muhammad’s death in 1975, Wallace Muhammad (Imam W.D. Mohammed) began transforming the Nation of Islam into a Sunni community. As a result the NOI split, with staunch anti-integration Nationalists breaking off to maintain the traditional teachings. Louis Farrakhan became the leader of the main body, though other former ministers also claimed the mantle of the Lost-Found Nation. All of the community maintained interest in Africa. In October 1975 Wallace Muhammad met with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat. In 1990, he contributed $85,000.00 to Nelson Mandela.39

Whether Elijah Muhammad, Malcolm X, Wallace Muhammad (Imam W.D. Mohammed) or Louis Farrakhan read Nkrumah’s work, the idea of neocolonialism had been well absorbed by the time of the 1995 Million Man March. The Nation of Islam has never become comfortable with the practical aspects of Nkrumah’s plan (according to Ghadaffi, African leadership has not become comfortable either 40). The idea of building economic strength by forming cartels of “interlocking directorships and cross-shareholdings” has not worked in America or on the continent. However, it did learn from the failures of Nkrumah, managing to retain the loyalty of its members even where projects have been costly failures. With the double-edged benefit of being a vocal group in a white supremacist state, with a broad membership base that remains against integration, NOI leadership has consistently managed to use the basic program of Black unity as a bulwark against attempts at dismantling its economic and political structure.

Despite the opposition of some old-guard African-Americans, the Nation of Islam instituted economic programs and used its ties to Africa for investment. Paul Robeson, Jr. came out against the Nation’s Power line of products, arguing that political power had precedent. However, the Nation of Islam had already endorsed the presidential bids of both Reverend Jesse Jackson and Lenora Fulani. When Ghaddafi, who offered to switch the importation of personal care items from Europe to the NOI, also offered to invest monetarily, the Clinton administration blocked the transfer, openly stating that it was against the interest of white ethnic groups.41

In 1994, Farrakhan made an economic assessment of West Africa. He and a delegation of 2,000 business people, visited Accra, Ghana in the first International Saviours’ Day (renamed from Saviour’s Day). There were high expectations about strengthening economic ties with the Nation of Islam and also with East coast American cities. Thirteen years after the trip, it seems that little came of the negotiations. But the symbolism is perhaps more important. In that Saviours’ day conference, all the elements of Pan-Africanism met, including the presence of integrated Afro-Americans. It suggests that the long desired unity across all classes, true Black-For-Black, is becoming a reality.

""Baltimore has the largest open-water port on the East Coast. We can make use of that with linkages with African and Asian nations, but we're not doing that right now. I'm hoping that Min. Farrakhan can build that bridge," State Sen. Mitchell said."42

Marcus Garvey, Kwame Nkrumah, and Elijah Muhammad were three central figures in African history who inspired people on both sides of the Atlantic. Garvey was the forerunner, calling for independence and Black-on-Black marriage. He envisioned Pan-African unity and named himself President because someone had to. Muhammad was the supporter who was inspired to reinvigorate the masses to Black Power and Black Pride in the 1930’s while his former President was in exile. Nkrumah was the student, the only continental African of the three and took Garvey’s call for unity to Africa. He inspired Afro-Americans in turn when he pulled out of the British Commonwealth as a show of Black racial support in the face of the 1965 British racial support of the white regime in Rhodesia.43 The economic requirements of Nkrumahism have been the greatest challenge. The continent and scattered communities are still working to implement the post-1963 requirements of “one voice for Africa, a single currency, an African monetary zone, an African central bank, a continental communication system.”44 Nkrumah’s success was in calling for the return home and cultural nationalism. Nearly every Nationalist organization which survived the CoIntelpro attacks took up cultural nationalism and a variety of holidays, manners of dress and visits to Africa have ensued. The NOI was theologically incapable of becoming true cultural nationalists, though representative Akbar Muhammad was sent to Ghana in 1995. Through the 2020 Investment group, the Nation has been able to work with cultural nationalists in order to consider Ghana’s land offer and consequently ending the double-consciousness of still more African-Americans.45

“But, whiles I must make this physical departure,
spiritually, I will not leave you and God will take
care of you. When you feel a cool breeze blow across
your face every now and then, just know that it comes
from the deep reservoir of love that I hold for you.
Oh, by the way, Christ is Black; I see him walking at
a distance with Nkrumah. I think they are coming over
to greet me.”

“My feet have felt the sands
Of many nations,
I have drunk the water
Of many springs.
I am old,
Older than the pyramids,
I am older than the race
That oppresses me.
I will live on…
I will out-live oppression.
I will out-live oppressors.
John Henrik Clarke - July 16, 1998

from Dr. Conrad Worril, “Remembering Dr. John Henrik Clarke as a Source of Wisdom”

1. Elijah Muhammad, “Our Saviour Has Arrived,” (Chicago, IL: Muhammad’s Temple, No. 2, 1974), 48

2. “Restoration,” Program of the Organization of Afro-American Unity,

3. Joanne Grant, Black Protest: History, Documents, and Analyses, 1619 to the present, (NY: CBS Publications, 1968), 18

4. Elliott P. Skinner, “The Dialectic: Diasporas and Homelands,” in Joseph E. Harris, ed. Global Dimensions of the African Diaspora, (Howard University Press, 1993),

5. ibid

6. FADSI – First African Diaspora Studies Institute (FADSI), as described in Martin, Tony. Garvey and Scattered Africa, in Joseph E. Harris, ed. Global Dimensions of the African Diaspora, (Howard University Press, 1993), 441

7. Theodore G. Vincent, Black Power And The Garvey Movement. (Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 2006), 203

8. Muhammad, Our Saviour Has Arrived, 139

9. “This is taken from the Table Talks with our Beloved Messenger pages 5-6,”

10. Sivanandan, A., A Different Hunger: Writings on Black Resistance, (London: Pluto Press Limited, 1983), part two, passim

11. Ian Duffield, “Marcus Garvey and Kwame Nkrumah,” History Today. (March, 1981), 24-30

12. Jamal Nkrumah, “Rekindling Kwame Nkrumah’s Pan-Africanism,” Crisis, (September/October 1998), 62

13. Tribe of Shabazz, Originally broadcast 1962,

14. Walters, Ronald W. Pan Africanism in the African Diaspora, (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1993), p. 68

15. Vincent, 116

16. March 7, 1960, Evening News, reproduced in Rupe Simms, “I am a Non-Denominational Christian and a Marxist-Socialist:” A Gramscian Analysis of the Convention People’s Party and Kwame Nkrumah’s Use of Religion.” Sociology of Religion, (2003, 64:4), 470-472

17. Martin Luther King, Jr. “letter from a Birmingham jail,” in Washington, James M., ed., A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings and Speeches of Martin Luther King, Jr., (San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1986); Vincent,129]

18. Duffield, 26

19. Duffield, 27; see also

20. Kwame Nkrumah, quoted in New African, (October 2005, 18-19), originally in
Neocolonialism, the last stage of imperialism (London: Tomas Nelson, 1965)

21. ibid

22. Nkrumah, Gamal. Fathia Nkrumah: Farewell to All That.

23. Duffield, 25, 26

24. John Hope Franklin quoted by Skinner The Dialectic, 33

25. King “where do we go from here,” in Testament of Hope, 590; Gendler interview of King, in Testament of Hope, 667

26. “Where do we go from here,” in Testament of Hope, 591

27. Vincent, 121

28. ibid, 122

29. ibid, 140

30. radio schedule,

31. Vincent, 243
32. “Notes From The Messenger's Table” (August 24, 1968).

33. Corey Muhammad, “Farrakhan says: This is our last chance,”

34. Duffield, 29

35. The Last Interview; Malcolm X, Al-Muslimoon Staff (from the Malcolm X Museum)
Taken from Al-Muslimoon Magazine, February, 1965

36. Establishment, Program of the Organization of Afro-American Unity,

37. A. Akbar Muhammad. (Africa Representative of the Nation of Islam). The CIA At 50: 50 Years of Dirty Tricks.; Karenga, Maulana, “Speaking Freedom, Celebrating the People: Ghana @ 50, Nkrumah @ First,” Los Angeles Sentinel, 3-8-07, A7 (

38. Maulana Karenga, “Ghana at 50”

39. Aleem, et al. A History of Muslim African Americans, (Calumet City, IL: WDM Publications, 2006), 177

40. “Al Gathafi Tells African Leaders “If We Had Only Listened to Nkrumah” New African, (August/September 2005), 30-33; and Kwame Nkrumah, quoted in New African, (October 2005, 18-19); All-African People’s Conferences. International Organization. Vol. 16, No. 2, Africa and International Organization (Spring 1962), 429-434

41. Richard W. Stevenson, Officials to Block Qaddafi Gift to Farrakhan, (August 28, 1996),

42. December 1997 []

43. “None of Us Can Stand Alone.” (July 2007, New African), 13

44. Ghaddafi, 32

45. Travel to Ghana, Africa with Akbar Muhammad on July 27-August 8, 2007

“Al Gathafi Tells African Leaders “If We Had Only Listened to Nkrumah” New African, (August/September 2005) , 30-33

Aleem, Marvis A., A. Hameed el-Amin, Amir N. Muhammad, Glenn Chambers. A History of Muslim African Americans. Calumet City, IL: WDM Publications, 2006

All-African People’s Conferences. International Organization. Vol. 16, No. 2, Africa and International Organization (Spring 1962), pp 429-434

Carruthers, Jacob H. Intellectual Warfare. Chicago: Third World Press, 1999

Clegg, Claude Andrew. An Original Man: The Life and Times of Elijah Muhammad. NY: St. Martin’s Griffin, 1997

Cruse, Harold. The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual: A Historical Analysis of The Failure of Black Leadership. NY: Quill, 1984

Davis, Angela Y. Women, Race and Class. NY: Random House, 1983

Delany, Martin R.R. The Condition, Elevation, Emigration and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States. Baltimore: Back Classic Press, 1993

Duffield, Ian. Marcus Garvey and Kwame Nkrumah. History Today. (March, 1981), 24-30

De Figuerido, Antonio. Nkrumah and the Forgotten Anglo-Portuguese Alliance. New African. (February 2006), 34-35

Gaines, Kevin. “Revisiting Richard Wright in Ghana: Black Radicalism and the Dialectics of Diaspora.” Social Text 67, (Summer 2001), Vol. 19, No. 2

Giddings, Paula. When and Where I Enter: The Impact of Black Women on Race and Sex in America. NY: Perennial, 1984

Grant, Joanne. Black Protest: History, Documents, and Analyses, 1619 to the present. NY: CBS Publications, 1968

Harris, Joseph E. Global Dimensions of the African Diaspora. Howard University Press, 1993

Independent Black Leadership in America. Castillo International, Inc. NY: Castillo International, Inc., 1990

Karenga, Maulana. “Speaking Freedom, Celebrating the People: Ghana @ 50, Nkrumah @ First.” Los Angeles Sentinel. 3-8-07, p. A7.

“The Last Interview;” Malcolm X, Al-Muslimoon Staff (from the Malcolm X Museum)
Taken from Al-Muslimoon Magazine, February, 1965.

Price, Joyce. “Lawmaker attacks funds for HIV drug called `bogus cure': Nation of Islam lobbied for research.” The Washington Times, (April, 1996).
The list of Radio Stations that aired Weekly Broadcasts From Messenger Elijah Muhammad. Reprinted from the October 4, 1974 edition of Muhammad Speaks Newspaper.
Low, W. Augustus, and Virgil A. Clift. Encyclopedia of Black America. Reprint (New York: McGraw Hill, 1981), 4th printing. A. Da Capo Paperback, 1990

Mamiya, Lawrence H. From Black Muslim to Bilalian: The Evolution of a Movement. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, (Vol. 21, No. 2 (Jun., 1982)), 138-152

Martin, Tony. Garvey and Scattered Africa in Joseph Harris, ed. Global Dimensions of the African Diaspora. Washington, DC: Howard University Press, 1993.

Mazrui, Ali A. “The Re-invention of Africa: Edward Said, V.Y. Mudimbe, and Beyond” in Research in African Literatures, (fall 2005, vol. 36, issue 3)

Moses, Wilson Jeremiah. The Golden Age of Black Nationalism, 1850-1925. New York: Oxford University Press, 1978.
Muhammad, Corey. “Farrakahn says: This is our last chance.”

Muhammad, A. Akbar. (Africa Representative of the Nation of Islam). The CIA At 50: 50 Years of Dirty Tricks.

Muhammad, Elijah. The Fall Of America. Chicago, IL: Muhammad’s Temple, No. 2, 1973

Muhammad, Elijah. Our Saviour Has Arrived. Chicago, IL: Muhammad’s Temple, No. 2, 1974

“None of Us Can Stand Alone.” July 2007, New African, 11 - 16

Nkrumah, Jamal. “Rekindling Kwame Nkrumah’s Pan-Africanism.” Crisis, September/October 1998, p. 62

Nkrumah, Kwame. The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah. London: Thomas Nelson, 1965

Nkrumah, Kwame. “If Africa Should Stop Developing Other Continents.” New African. October 2005, 18-19

Nkrumah, Kwame. Neo-Colonialism. The Last Stage of Imperialism. London: Thomas Nelson, 1965

Rashidi, Runoko. Martin Robison Delany & Edward Wilmot Blyden: Race Men and Pioneer Black Nationalists.

Jerry Rawlings and Louis Farrakhan at the 17th annual Ghana fest in Chicago. Photo with caption. The New York Amsterdam News. Page 2 August 10-16, 2006

“Rice will not pursue Suozzi's governor race operatives.”

Romero, Patricia. “W.E.B. DuBois, Pan-Africans and Africa 1963-1973.” Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 6, No. 4 (June 1976), 321-336

Saaka, Yakubu. Recurrent Themes in Ghanaian Politics: Kwame Nkrumah’s Legacy. Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 24, No. 3, Special Issue: Social, Economic, Political, and Cultural Dimensions of Life in Ghana. (Mar. 1994), pp. 263-280

Simms, Rupe. “I am a Non-Denominational Christian and a Marxist-Socialist:” A Gramscian Analysis of the Convention People’s Party and Kwame Nkrumah’s Use of Religion.” Sociology of Religion, 2003, 64:4, pp. 463-477

Stevenson, Richard W. Officials to Block Qaddafi Gift to Farrakhan. (August 28, 1996).

Travel to Ghana, Africa with Akbar Muhammad on July 27-August 8, 2007

Travels With Tyrants: Minister Farrakhan’s 1996 Anti-American World Tour.

Ture, Kwame. Interview by Ida Lewis, May 6, 1998. New York “Kwame Ture on Kwame Nkrumah: Nkrumah was a True Visionary: A Genuine Pan-Africanist.” Crisis, July 1998, p. 44-46

Vincent, Theodore G. Black Power And The Garvey Movement. Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 2006

Walters, Ron. Pan-Africanism in the African Diaspora. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1993.

Washington, James M., ed. A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings and Speeches of Martin Luther King, Jr. San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1986 Fathia Nkrumah: Farewell to All That

Worrill, Conrad W. “Remembering Dr. John Henrik Clarke as a Source of Wisdom.” Black Commentator

Submissions: scripts at

//info at
//cashapp $lvfrmplnt3

... Cultivare, cultiva terra, arable land, colere, colō; worship, protect, cultivate. As a regular gift to our $2400+/biennium members, Live From Planet Earth extends a special unlimited invitation to our family's homestead/farm/estate in Jamaica. Sign-up by clicking your membership contribution amount below. Live From Planet Earth is a hands-on, cooperative meditation — on self-sustaining, tropical, organic human being and development — rooting and producing through your generous, reparative, faithful contributions. Please support by helping us fill this measure little by little, slowly but surely: Annual ($36), ($2400), ($6000); Monthly ($3), ($5), ($10), ($25), ($30), ($40), ($60), ($70), ($80), ($90), ($130), ($200), ($500), ($1000).